Agreement Made By Group Of Witches And Social Worker
51Senhor Fernando`s story represents the situation of contract workers in a different way from collective memory, as presented in the media, research and music. While the collective memory focuses on the needs of Cape Verdean workers, Senhor Fernando avoids this subject, at least as far as his own experience is concerned. This may be partly a consequence of the attempt to deliberately or unintentionally forget the violence and exploitation he faced (Augé 2004). Instead, he insists on his freedom of choice. In his account, he takes responsibility for his situation, despite the unfavourable conditions. He describes how he made a name for himself in the hierarchical society of plantations, when he was an illiterate young man from a small rural village. In his story, he recounts how he invested himself and his resources in hard work and managed to become both a producer and consumer of quality food, which increased his social image. The story of Senhor Fernando does not invalidate the collective description of the terrible working conditions on Seo Tomé and does not make Portuguese colonialism more beautiful. On the contrary, his story tells us that memories of distress can be creatively transformed into a sensible account of your life. 43Sper tells me to Senhor Fernando that it is the fault of some of his compatriots in Cape Verde for having to eat the same bad food as the forced labourers of Angola and Mozambique. His compatriots were in this case the people of Santiago, the island that traditionally presented itself as the most “African” in the social geography of Cape Verde: there can thus be a paradox between those who seek a wild, free and dangerous witchcraft, without structure or guidance, while aspiring to be safe, inclusive, accepting, ethical and lucid. These are two distinct sub-cultural social contracts and, although we wanted both, our secret and our struggle lie in the paradox of the paradox of these two perspectives on crafts.
What is your social contract with the community at your level of participation? I think about it a lot in terms of the community in which I participate and facilitate, including the Temple of Witches. Although we are not servants, our community is a community that, in reciprocal service, extends outward a magical order. As king in 1603, James I Brought after England and Scotland continental declarations of witchcraft. Its aim was to deflect suspicions of male homity in the elite and to focus fear on women`s communities and large women`s gatherings. He thought they were threatening his political power, so he laid the foundations for witchcraft and the politics of occultism, especially in Scotland. The fact was that a widespread belief in the witch conspiracy and a witches` sabbath with the devil deprived women of political influence. Occult power was supposed to be a feminine quality, because women were weaker and more vulnerable to the devil.  In the Philippines, as in many of these cultures, witches are considered to be those who oppose indigenous holy religions. On the other hand, anthropologists who write about healers in Aboriginal communities use either the traditional terminology of these cultures or broad anthropological terms such as “shaman.  In the middle of the 20th century organized groups were formed, including the Ophite Cultus Satanas (1948) and the Church of Satan (1966).
After seeing Margaret Murray`s book The God of Witches, the leader of Ophite Cultus Satanas, Herbert Arthur Sloane, said he understood that the horned god was Satan (Sathanas). Sloane also corresponded to his contemporary Gerald Gardner, founder of the Wicca religion, and implied that his views on Satan and the horned God were not necessarily at odds with Gardner`s approach. However, he believed that while “Gnos” referred to knowledge and “Wicca” referred to wisdom, modern witches had come out of true knowledge and began to worship a god of fertility, a reflection of the Creator God.